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The use of criminal-law powers to respond to people with HIV who place others at risk of HIV infection has emerged as a focal point of AIDS advocacy at global, national, and local levels. In the Canadian context, reform efforts that address the criminalization of HIV non-disclosure have been hampered by the absence of data on the contours, scale, and outcomes of criminalization. This article responds to that gap in knowledge with the first comprehensive analysis of the temporal trends, demographic patterns, and aggregate outcomes of Canadian criminal cases of HIV non-disclosure. The authors draw on insights into the role that rendering social phenomena in numerical terms plays for the governance of social life in order to make criminalization “visible” in ways that might contribute to activist responses. The article examines temporal trends, demographic patterns, and outcomes separately. In each instance, the pattern or trend identified is described, potential explanations for findings are offered, and an account is given of how the data have informed efforts to reform criminal law. Particular attention is paid to the following key findings: a sharp increase in criminal cases that began in 2004; the large proportion of recent criminal cases involving defendants who are heterosexual Black, African, and Caribbean men; and the high proportion of criminal cases resulting in conviction. The article closes with suggestions for future research., Le recours aux pouvoirs du droit pénal en vue de prendre des mesures à l'égard des personnes qui ont contracté le VIH et qui présentent un risque de transmission de ce virus à d'autres est devenu un élément central de l'activisme en ce qui a trait au sida, tant aux niveaux international, national que local. Dans le contexte canadien, les efforts de réforme visant à traiter la criminalisation de la non-divulgation de la séropositivité au VIH ont été ralentis par l'absence de données sur les profils, l'échelle et les effets de la criminalisation. Cet article vise à corriger une telle lacune en matière de connaissances grâce à la toute première analyse exhaustive des tendances temporelles, des modèles démographiques et de l'ensemble des résultats d'affaires criminelles canadiennes en matière de non-divulgation de la séropositivité au VIH. Cet article s'inspire de points de vue à propos du rôle que joue la représentation d'un phénomène social en termes numériques pour la gouvernance de la vie sociale, afin de rendre «visible» la criminalisation par des moyens qui pourraient contribuer aux mesures activistes. Cet article examine les tendances temporelles, les modèles démographiques et les résultats séparément. Pour chaque cas, nous décrivons la tendance ou le modèle que nous avons identifié, nous proposons d'éventuelles explications par rapport aux conclusions, et donnons un compte rendu de la façon dont les données ont servi de base aux efforts de réforme en matière de droit pénal. Une attention toute particulière est accordée aux principales conclusions suivantes: augmentation considérable des affaires criminelles depuis 2004; grande proportion d'affaires criminelles récentes incluant des défendeurs qui sont des hétérosexuels de race noire, des Africains et des hommes des Caraïbes; et importante proportion d'affaires criminelles aboutissant à une condamnation. L'article se termine par des suggestions en vue de recherches à venir.

In Canada, there are persistent allegations and some empirical evidence suggesting racialized police bias; certain (non-White) groups appear to face over-enforcement as criminal suspects and under-enforcement as victims. Yet, it is challenging to prove or disprove these claims. Unlike other countries, where governments routinely publish police-reported crime and criminal court data identifying the race/ethnicity of criminal suspects and victims, Canada maintains a ban on the publication of such data. In this article, using an intersectional and critical analysis, we examine 127 prosecuted (predominantly domestic sex) trafficking cases and explore related claims of racial and gender bias together with sensationalism in the enforcement of Canadian anti-trafficking in persons laws. Our findings align with other empirical research observing the racially selective identification and prosecution of sex trafficking cases through a heteronormative and gender binary lens. Whether real or perceived, racial—alongside gender, sexuality, economic, citizenship, and occupational—bias has significant adverse consequences for the equality, liberty, security, mobility, labour, and access to justice rights of the Indigenous, Black, Arab/Muslim and other racialized communities being policed. Our data reveal a clear and pressing need to publish race-disaggregated crime and criminal court data and to challenge deeply ingrained stereotypes using various means., RésuméAu Canada, il y a des allégations persistantes et des preuves empiriques suggérant des préjugés racistes de la part de la police; certains groupes (non blancs) semblent être confrontés à une application excessive de la loi comme suspects et à une application insuffisante comme victimes. Pourtant, il est difficile de prouver ou de réfuter ces allégations. Contrairement à d’autres pays, où les gouvernements publient régulièrement les données de la police et des tribunaux pénaux identifiant la race/ethnicité des suspects et des victimes, le Canada maintient une interdiction de publication de ces données. Dans cet article, à l’aide d’une analyse intersectionnelle et critique, nous examinons 127 cas de trafic (principalement le trafic sexuel en territoire national) ayant fait l’objet de poursuites judiciaires et explorons les allégations connexes de préjugés raciaux et sexuels, ainsi que le sensationnalisme dans l’application des lois canadiennes contre la traite des personnes. Nos conclusions s’alignent sur d’autres recherches empiriques observant l’identification et la poursuite raciales sélectives des cas de trafic sexuel à travers une lentille binaire hétéronormative et sexospécifique. Qu’elle soit réelle ou perçue comme telle, la race – à côté du sexe, de la sexualité, de l’économie, de la citoyenneté et des préjugés professionnels – a des conséquences négatives importantes sur l’égalité, la liberté, la sécurité, la mobilité, le travail et les droits d’accès à la justice des communautés autochtones, noires, arabes/musulmanes et autres communautés racialisées qui sont contrôlées par la police. Nos données révèlent un besoin clair et urgent de publier des données sur la criminalité et les tribunaux pénaux ventilées par race et de remettre en question des stéréotypes profondément ancrés.

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Historically, homosexuality and prostitution were both branded immoral vices that required criminalization, despite the fact that they were also considered ‘victimless crimes.’ Yet, in contemporary Canadian society, gays and lesbians have gained wide social acceptance and legal rights, while the sex trade has become more criminalized, stigmatized, and, for clients or third parties, vilified. This article explores the reasons for this divergence. First, drawing on radical queer critique, I problematize this framing, arguing that the equality and rights-based victories for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans community did not necessarily benefit all of its members. Building on this insight, I argue that those queers who are unable or uninterested in accessing the benefits ushered in by ‘gay rights’ have identities, proclivities, and vulnerabilities that overlap with those of sex workers and/or their clients. Part I of the article sets the socio-legal and political context, providing succinct overviews of key developments relating to gay and lesbian rights and of key developments relating to sex trade regulation, focusing primarily on the last fifty years. Part II analyses how gay/lesbian mainstream acceptance and the queer/sex trade marginalization occurred through overlapping discourses and laws related to privacy, bawdy houses/indecency, disease, spousal/marital relations, and children. I end with a consideration of the intersectionality between queerness and the sex trade, both in terms of subjectivities and non-normative sexual practices.

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"First published in 1945, Glanville Williams: Learning the Law has been introducing students to the foundation skills needed to study law effectively for over 70 years. Now in its 17th edition, it is still the must-have book for every student embarking upon a law degree. [This book] introduces students to the basic legal materials such as statutes and case law, and explains how these are to be read and interpreted in the light of common law doctrines of precedent. [It] explains how legal problems are to be solved and discussed in the examination room [and] offers advice on study methods, exam preparation, time and stress management. [It] discusses the methods of legal research, and explains where to look for the law, both on paper and electronically [and] covers participation in moots, mock trials and other competitions. [It] discusses employment prospects and gives advice on seeking and obtaining work [and] provides recommendations for further reading within and outside the law." --publisher's description.

The purpose of this study was to investigate nonconsensual condom removal (NCCR), also termed “stealthing,” which involves a male partner removing a condom during sex without knowledge or consent. Young women (N = 364) provided self-report data on sociodemographic characteristics, NCCR experiences, and sexual self-perceptions. Almost 10% of the participants reported experiencing NCCR, with increased risk linked to nonheterosexuality, nonexclusive relationship status, and more sexual partners. Women with NCCR histories reported less confidence to refuse unwanted sexual advances and felt less in control of themselves as sexual beings. Together, the findings suggested NCCR is a somewhat common sexual risk behavior which may pose acute and sustained psychosexual harm to victims.